Kathmandu, sleeping or pretending to sleep??? #Jagakumbhakarna #civildisboedience #Madhes

On September 20 2015, while asking every Kathmanduities to reflect upon their privileges, Pranaya Rana wrote:

‘We find it difficult to identify with those in the Madhes because we have never lived the lives they have. Our privileges have insulated us from everything that they go through. Empathy is one thing, experience is another. And it is just so hard to admit that one is privileged. It means coming to terms with the unpleasant fact that perhaps it is not our innate talents that have gotten us to where we are. It is difficult to believe that we had a head start when we’ve already won the race. So we choose denial. No, they must be wrong. Their grievances are illegitimate. Structural inequalities don’t exist anymore because now, there are no seats in the Lok Sewa reserved for us. And we actively seek out faults in others. They’re lazy, they’re uneducated, they’re violent, they hate us when we’ve never hurt them. And when that doesn’t work, we choose to patronise them, treat them like children with no minds of their own. Poor Madhesis, they’re just misled. We, with our degrees from foreign universities, talk down to them in English from our op-ed pages. We delude ourselves into thinking that they don’t understand what federalism entails. And when they write to us, outraged and angry, we dismiss them as the ramblings of the ignorant. We accuse them of wanting to break up Nepal—the Nepal they’ve never really gotten to know because this Nepal sees them as Indians (http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2015-09-20/constitution-special-dont-talk-just-listen.html).’

This was in a one way a reminder to Kathmandu peoples what continues to remain questionable. Yet both the peoples and leaders of Kathmandu did not pay any heed to the voices of Madhesis and Tharus. The longest human chain in the world, on the eve of International Day of Non-violence on October 2 with almost a million protesters lined up holding hands to form also failed to wake up any people of Kathmandu. Kathmandu peoples were happy to look in North while relegating the historical ties with south. They forgot that they are also ignoring their own people or their own citizens, the aspirations of Madhesis. The Oli government besides making the largest ministerial cabinet ever also did not think to consider the voices of Madhesis.  When the peoples of Kathmandu appear to be silent, something changed on 10^th November 2015 as peoples also felt the pressure of supposedly ‘Indian Blockade’. Khagendra Sangroula even tweeted:

        'बाहिरकालाई धारे हात लाउन छाडेर युवाहरुले आप्mनै कुम्भकर्णलाई ब्युँझाउन बालुवाटार ताके ।                स्याबास् ब्रो ! गृहकलह भएर न बाहिरकाले हेपेको हो !'

In addition, the peoples also got tired of hours and hours of queue yet without any end to their miseries. Some incidents of violence in Kathmandu were also reported in these long queues for petrol, kerosene and gases. Therefore, it was just a matter of time when people felt that they could not bear it again. Their survival and adaptation levels were hit back hard this time around. The piece here therefore tries to understand these phenomena which ultimately led to the march till Baluwatar. First this piece tries to give a brief overview while referring to several reporters and journalists’ pieces. The aim of this section will be to highlight what Madhesi Movement has been going through and how Kathmandu has tried to remained unfazed by all those issues. In the second and final section, the piece will give the reader the author’s observation and understanding from the march.  

Overview

                                                    Image copyright: Kanchan Jha

The reason behind the continued protest besides the new constitution is made clear by Prashant Jha. He states:

‘Madhesis are under-represented in institutions in public life. Almost one-third of the population, they constitute less than 5 percent of the army and are mostly in non-combat roles. Out of 75 Chief District Officers, only two are Madhesis. All top parties are led by hill-Brahmans or Bahuns. Of the 12 Prime Ministers post-1990, nine have been Bahuns; the other three, hill Chhetris. All media editors are Bahuns; NGOs and human rights outfits are mostly led by hill Bahuns. Tula Narayan Sah, a Madhesi analyst, says, “What matters in a state is who controls the paisa, money, and the banduk, gun? We are in neither the coercive apparatus nor the administrative apparatus.” To remedy this, the interim constitution provided for ‘proportionate’ inclusion in state organs; the current document drops proportionate, adds a host of other groups, and compromises the architecture of affirmative action (http://www.hindustantimes.com/india/a-mass-movement-in-tarai-and-a-deepening-alienation/story-cnROfqTwdLfNLbOuknckjO.html)’.

This lack of inclusive system is also highlighted by Girish Giri. Giri claims that the country including the district officials have failed to understand the languages of Madhesis. While reflecting upon the relation of Madhesi with Kathmandu, Giri said:

'जसले त्यहाँ राज्यको प्रतिनिधित्व गरेर शासन गरिरहेका हुन्छन् उनीहरु मधेस र मधेसीका तौर तरिका ठ्याम्मै बुझ्दैनन्। जे जति पहाडेहरु मधेसी समूदायसँग भिजेर बस्दै आएका छन्, उनीहरुलाई त्यहाँ सामाजिक–राजनीतिक पकड सजिलै बलियो बनाउन यो एउटा महत्वपूर्ण आधार पनि हो। हो, साँच्चै नै मधेसमा त्यहाँको भाषै नबुझ्ने राज्यले युगौंदेखि शासन गर्दै आइरहेको छ…मधेसमा प्रहरी–प्रशासन विरुद्ध कुनै पनि आक्रोश पोखियो भने काठमाडौंमा बेग्लै तनाव उत्पन्न हुनेगर्छ। त्यहाँको सामाजिक अवस्था के कस्तो छ भन्ने तिर कसैको ध्यानै जाँदैन। जबकि सामान्य मधेसीले काठमाडौंमा जस्तो पाइलैपिच्छे उच्च सरकारी निकाय, कुटनीतिक नियोगदेखि लिएर मानवअधिकारका कार्यालयहरु देखेका हुँदैनन् (http://setopati.com/bichar/34919/)।'

The inevitable controversy out of Nepal’s new constitution is also made evident. According to Haviland, BBC correspondent (http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-34280015), domination of high-caste male leaders, reduced proportional representation, proposed demarcation, discrimination, lack of acceptance of Madhesi communities and the continuation of patriarchal society with the difficulty for a single mother to pass her citizenship to her child and many other issues make the new constitution not so new.

Likewise, according to Deepak Thapa, a regular op-ed writer, the constitution is delivered by a committee ‘no less feudal’ (http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/printedition/news/2015-09-24/back-to-basics12.html). Thapa sticks to the continuous ignorant troika leaders (Dahal, Oli and Koirala) and argues that the leaders will not reach anywhere if ‘the ruling parties are ready to compromise on are ‘genuine’ and the rest ‘outright frivolous’. In addition, that also delegitimize ‘the whole point of having a CA’ while revealing the hypocrises of the UML. Indeed, gone are the days. The increasing tensions in Madhes, therefore, became apparent. 

It was just a matter of days and many more days as we kept on counting and reading the struggles of Madhesis and leaders keep on negating those issues from Kathmandu. According to an advocate Dipendra Jha (http://esamata.com/np/2015/भोट-दिँदा-नेपाली-हुने-र-आन/), the case of Suganlal Singh and other shot down Madhesi protestors amply demonstrates the discriminatory behaviors of the leaders of Kathmandu, mainly the Home Ministers. When these leaders need a vote, they remember the peoples but when they don’t need a vote, they accuse these Madhesis as ‘Biharis’ or ‘Dhotis’.  Quoting Singh, Jha states:

‘मलाई नकुट्नुस्, म त कांग्रेसी हो, तीन चोटि गिरिजाबाबुलाई भोट दिएको, दुई चोटि आमोद दाइलाई भोट दिएको छु । अहिले पनि यो क्षेत्रबाट ऋषि पोखरेल दाइलाई पनि भोट दिएर जिताएकै हो । तर किन हजुर, मधेशी कांग्रेसी हुन सक्दैन ?’

In another article, Jha clearly argues that the so-called presumptions of harmonious society is a lie while stating that how can we/Madhesis be communal when they finally are speaking against the oppressive government? Jha writes:

'पहिला थारु र मधेसी, पहाडी दाजुभाइसँग मिलेर बसेका होइनन्। ज्ञान, क्षमता र हिम्मतको कमी थियो तिनीहरुमा, त्यसलै चुप लागेर सहेर बसेका मात्र थिए तिनीहरु। मौनता भनेको मिल्नु होइन। असली सद्भावको प्रकृया त बल्ल पो सुरु भएको छ। हामीलाई बोल्न दिनुहोस्, हाम्रा पीडा पोख्न दिनुहोस्। रोए कराएपछि चित्त सफा हुन्छ। त्यसपछि समताको जगमा सदभावको खम्बा खडा गरौँला। पहिला हाम्रा मनमस्तिष्कमा रहेका गुम्सिएका भावनाहरु अभिव्यक्त गर्न दिनुस् (http://setopati.com/bichar/33535/)।'  

Nonetheless, the mood in Kathmandu has remained disinterested. After more than 70 days of protest, the so-called Prime Minister of Nepal was busy in the government row including political power sharing. The tweet by the reknowned writer and activist Khagendra Sangroula sums up the whole moment of ludicrousness as 

“६–६ थान उपप्रधानमन्त्री, थुइक्क नाथे ! न बनाउनेलाई लाज छ न बन्नेहरुलाई लाज छ । लज्जाहीन मन्त्रिपरिषद् पदलोलुप ओलीको एकमात्र अमर कृति !”

Sangroula who recently went to Terai also to participate in the protest always knew about the leaders’ reluctancy to hear the peoples. In the article published yesterday in Kantipur, Sangroula succeeds to explore the increasing frustration of the peoples in Terai.  

'मधेस विद्रोहमा ५४ जना आन्दोलनकारीले सहादत प्राप्त गरेका थिए। घाउमा खाटा बसिसकेका छैनन्। अहिले ५० जनको ज्यान गइसक्यो। र मधेस पीडाले छट्पटाइरहेको छ। आन्दोलनकारी सोध्छन्- छातीभरि आँसु लिएर नयाँ-नयाँ सहिदलाई श्रद्धाञ्जली दिइरहन हामी किन अभिशप्त? के मारिनु नै हाम्रो नियति हो? गए ज्यान जाओस्, अब आन्दोलन छाडिँदैन। अभी नहीं तो कभी नहीं (http://bit.ly/1kLoQSM)!

 The moments of stupidity and continued vicious cycle to further oppress the marginalized peoples are not new to Nepali leaders. They have clearly been able to manipulative in terms of sidelining the demands and issues of Madhesis as they look always for newer reasons to relegate their issues under the carpet. Dalan Nepal, one of the online blog that has been covering the report from Terai itself clearly argued:

'जारी आन्दोलनको एक महिना नाघि सक्दा सम्म त सता पक्षले वार्ताको लागी खासै चासो देखाएनन । त्यस पछि खास गरी भारतीय पक्षवाट आएको दवावलाई सामसुम पार्न सता पक्षले केहि वार्ताका लागी देखावटी कामहरु गरेका थिए । तर पनि वार्ताको टे्वलमा मुद्धाको वारे प्रमुख दलहरु खासै गम्भिर देखिएनन । मोर्चाका तर्फवाट प्रमुख दलहरु संग साइड टकहरुमा सहभागी नेताहरु भन्छन, अहिले पनि सता पक्ष र अर्थात प्रमुख दलहरु आन्दोलनलाई रणनितीक रुपमै तुहाउन खाजीरहेको देखिन्छ । त्यसका लागी उनीहरुले वाहिर देखावटी रुपमा वार्ताको आब्हान गरीराख्ने तर वार्ताका लागी ठोस कुनै कदमहरु चालीरहेको छैन । (http://www.dalannepal.com/2015/10/blog-post523.html?spref=fb)

The continuous negligence and the so-called accusation of the Madhesi leaders against both the former Congress and the present Oli government remained justified with the killings of more than 40 protesters, and recent killing in Birgunj, 'police used force to vacate protesters from Miteri Bridge and fired live bullets to kill and maim'.

                                    Image copyright: Niranjan Shrestha/AP 

Likewise, reporting on the increasing gap between Kathmanduities and Madhes from Janakpur, C.K. Lal states:

      

‘In a landlocked country, the disruption of supplies through roads throttles normal life. Kathmandu is still reeling from the effect of what apologists of the regime call an “Undeclared Indian Blockade”. India insists that disruptions have been caused due to disturbances on the Nepali side of the border. The truth, perhaps, lies somewhere in between (http://thewire.in/2015/10/05/the-prejudice-of-power-and-the-exhilaration-of-agitation-12365/)’.

Furthermore, while reflecting upon the demands of Madhes and the way forward, Lal clearly shows the growing disdain as he argues:

‘The political demands of the Madhesis are legitimate in their own right. Equality in citizenship,federalism based on homeland, positive discrimination as a measure of reparation for past injustices, and proportionate representation in the legislature are some of the fundamental features of any modern democracy. But what had added pain to the Madhesi misery is the disdain with which the Permanent Establishment of Nepal – or PEON – has dismissed their claims. It has given rise to sense of desperation in Janakpur where even the chair of the local Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Shiva Shankar Shah Hira, representing the business community that suffers most when everything is closed down in town, thunders with conviction: “It’s now or never agitation for the rights of Madhesis and we are ready to make any sacrifice.”’

  

Similarly, Roshan Kumar Jha writes that the essence of Madhes protests is the search of dignified life as any other Nepali though several trollers have misunderstood and misinterpreted the demands of Madhesis without understanding historical continued socio-cultural and political relations with the neighboring. Jha states:

'त्रिभूवनले भारतकै शरण लिएका थिए । चन्द्रशेखरले नेपाल आएर भाषण गर्दा २०४६ सालको प्रथम जनआन्दोलन सफल भएको थियो । ज्ञानेन्द्रलाई सत्ताच्युत गर्न भारतको सहयोग चाहिएकै थियो । १२ बुँदे सम्झौता भारतमै भयो । १७ हजार नेपालीलाई मार्ने प्रचण्डलाई भारतमा शरण दिईंदा भारतको ‘सहयोग’ हुने र त्यही भारतले सबैको मान्य हुने संविधान बनाउ, कसैलाई निषेध नगर भन्दा हस्तक्षेपको आरोप खोक्रो राष्ट्रवादको नमूना होईन र ? मधेशका सशस्त्र आन्दोलन गरिरहेका मनेजर महतो, राजन मुक्तिलगायतकाहरुलाई भारतले समातेर दिँदा ‘वाह–वाह’ गर्नेहरु मधेशलाई अधिकार देऊ भनेर भारतले भन्दा ‘हस्तक्षेप’ किन देखिन्छ ? (http://onlinepatrika.com/55277/)

 Jha further writes: 

'मधेशले नेपाल खोजेको छ । नेपालीत्व खोजेको छ । नेपालभित्र नेपालरुपी सयौं थँुगा फूलको मालामा आफ्नो थुँगा खोजेको छ । नेपाली ऐनामा मधेशी अनुहार खोजेको छ । तर त्यसकालागि उसलाई नेपाली टोपी स्वीकार्य छैन । मधेशीको धोतीमा राष्ट्रियता खोज्नु साम्प्रदायिक हुनु हो भने मधेशी सयौं जुनी साम्प्रदायिक हुन तयार छ ।'

Meanwhile, tired of all continued negation of Madhesi demands and the Kathmandu leaders’ failure to come up with a strong proposal that could settle the dialogue, CK Lal stressed that there are only three options: convince, ask for help to neighbors, and the final resort to arm struggle, left for Madhesi movement while arguing that the movement can be termed as the peoples’ movement though Kathmandu continues to ignore those dissident voices.

'अहिले पनि नेपाल भनेको काठमाडौ नै रहेछ । ०७ सालमा पनि राजा महेन्द्रले भारतीय दूतावासमा नगएसम्म काँग्रेसले त्यत्रो लडाई लड्दा केही पनि भएन । ०४५\४६ मा जब हामी दरवारमार्ग गएर महेन्द्रको सालिक खसालियो अनि मात्र आन्दोलनले गति लिन थाल्यो । १०–१२ वर्ष लडाई गरेका माओवादीले नसकेको कुरा ०६२\०६३ मा काठमाडौ १९ दिन बन्द हुँदा भयो । नागरिक दवाव काठमाडौबाट नभएसम्म नेपालमा केही पनि नहुँदो रहेछ भने कुरा प्रष्टसँग बुझ्न सकिन्छ । ८७ दिनदेखि मधेशमा अभूतपूर्व आन्दोलन हुँदाखेरि पनि राजधानीलाई असर गरेको छैन किनभने काठमाडौमा जनदवाव भएन (http://www.ratopati.com/aakchaar-bhityo/12381/) ।

How insensible the crowds of Kathmandu can become is also made obvious by another author. While remembering the demonstration that went against the Kathmandu-Madhesis with the rumoured Bollywood actor’s statement, Dovan Rai writes:

'During the demonstration, Madhesis were attacked in Kathmandu and they had to flee or hide indoors. The misleading ultra-nationalistic fervor was the fuel that led people to attack their fellow Nepali citizens. We were taught that to qualify as a proper nationalistic Nepali was to hate   India. But we were not taught what a nation is or how to recognize our fellow nationals. Instead, we were taught to identify the “dhoti-clad” southerners as non-Nepali Indians, a reminder of Indian intrusion (http://recordnepal.com/perspective/madhesis-among-us).

Obviously there are only few Nepali Kathmanduities who are reflecting upon their socially constructed biases, where they only vision themselves but fails to see other common people, like himself, mainly because of color. Rai shows her frustration over the ignorance of Kathmanduities too when the Madhesis protested and dodged bullets every day.

                                                   Image copyright: Prabhat Jha/THT

    Image taken from: http://www.madhesiyouth.com/news/madhesuprising-3/47th-day-people-across-terai-form-longest-human-chain/

Therefore, also because of the brief overview including those articles and many other articles which I have followed since I have been able to develop my critical thinking, the idea of protest and participating in it against the current lot of demagogues leaders who have till date remained reluctant to finalize their dialogue with Madhesis made me more little bit hopeful of the peoples who have pretended to sleep before.  

The March

Definitely this was not like any other program, where we could see every organizer’s stamp all over the banners. This time, why I felt also good about is that I saw some sensible people coming across. Amidst doctor’s recommendation and other concerned people’s comments, I made up my mind to join the protest when I saw several post in Facebook, shared by others, ‘Jaaga Kumbhakarna’. It will always be hard for every individual and people to join any protest or any associations that could strengthen democracy as some lot also thinks little bit more about them. Some are pushed back by their financial difficulties and their daily concerns. Thanks to my parents that I have been able to walk in these protests and where I am allowed to think more about others too.

Through the narrow and packed ‘gallies’ of Ason, thanks to Tihar, I reached just at the right time, at 1 pm. Yes, I am not really a punctual guy. But this time around, unlike any other protests, nearly after one hour of listening to the diverse peoples’ experiences of the blockade, song of Ani Choying Dolma, a slam poetry on the plight of single mothers and their children (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vnjE8RkWvyg), and the sarcastical Deusi Bhailo program where we people are reminded to wake up from a deep long sleep, the march began. Before I speed up to the march, I just would like to briefly reflect upon that two hours long program, just at the entry gate of Basantapur Durbar Square.

When I reached there at 1 pm, I presumed that Kathmanduities would again pretend to sleep as I only saw few peoples. But with the programs and little longer hours of wait, the whole road connecting New Road and Basantpur Durbar Square was full of people from various fields. Not only I saw singers, I saw parents coming with their children and I also saw teachers with their students. For some moment, I forgot my pain in the ankle, which at times reminded me of my injury and other’s warnings. Before I go into describing about the march, I have to remember an individual who basically stated that the country’s southern, western and eastern borders are protected by thousands Madhesis and we should not forget their contributions as they kept on protecting our country’s borders while renewing their memories on ‘Lipu-lek’, the area protected basically by Madhesis for Nepal. Therefore, the protest was also for them. The program also became lively at-times when the event jockey asked the audience to raised their hands whoever have said or called Madhesis peoples as ‘Dhoti’ or ‘Oi Madhesi’ whenever they came nearby to every one’s house to sell vegetables. Some raised their hands and other refused. The jockey also stressed the fact that to change our situations, we also need to condemn those terms, ‘Dhoti’ and ‘Oi Madhesi’ and none really disagreed with her. One can sense that the peoples of Kathmandu are slowly changing. The perspectives either are changed by the blockade or by their own deeper realization and empathetic understandings of the plights of several Madhesis who are also feeling the burden are yet to be seen though the protest till its end did not give any clue towards disenchantment of the Madhesi demands and their rights to protest.  

Finally, the protest began around at 2:30 pm. By then, there were more than 300 peoples already gathered though quite fewer than previously expected. The protesters did not have to follow any lines in this. Most of the protesters have their banners indicating the frustration over the rising crisis. The mood of the protestors though was clam throughout. The protesters followed the route of Basantpur-Durbarmarg-Naxal-Bhatbhateni-Baluwatar. The cyclists also showed their presence as most of them were upfront of the protest. It was also led by the vehicle, in which the singer, such as Abhaya Subba kept on shouting, ‘Jaaga na’ (Wake up!) and asked the protesters later to repeat the same words  whenever she came out of the vehicle. At times, some by-gone nationalist songs were also played and I don’t know how careful were the organizers or whoever played such songs. The selection of the songs must have been wisely done as many scholars have clearly argued that these songs can also play role in feeding the nationalist propaganda.

Meanwhile, most of the protestors were from various backgrounds. There were different faces. The interesting side of this protest was the participants who were mainly youths. One of the speakers during the program clearly said that until and unless the old leaders are in politics but the youths are in Facebook, the country will always suffer. Definitely, most of the youths including me came to know about this protest from Facebook. It could have been little hard to gather such number of people during that busy time of festival if there would not have been Facebook. During the protest, most of the youths continued their slogans against the government. Some were silently following the protest. Some were also busy with their selfies and digital camera. Though the protest’s objectives were not many but simpler, one could sense that most of the youths knew the reasons behind their own participation in such protest. Among these youths, there were also some volunteers who formed the chain, just at the right side of the protesters, so to keep them safe and secure from any traffic. There were few girls and women protesters who beat the empty plate throughout the protest. These also helped the protesters to remain awake and at times engaged. In addition, there were also many girls and women who participated in the protest. The protesters were also followed by little traffic personnel though most of the time, the protesters were managed by the volunteers and no-doubt, they did a wonderful job. 

During the march, the protesters were greeted by lots of other supports waiting at the opposite side of the road. Only when the protesters reached nearby the PM residence, Baluwatar, the protesters faced large number of security officials in their much shielded uniform and security. One could sense that the security officials including the Armed Police Force were ready to tackle any disorder to continue their own order. The situation became little tensed when the protesters were stopped, little bit away from the gate of the PM residence. Whether Oli heard the protesters’ voices and concerns is for him to answer but the protesters clearly showed that the government should be more serious in solving the issues that we all are facing. Though there are many such protests need to be organized and peoples including youths need to show more responsibility if they really want to change their country. None of the protesters should remain complacent after this protest. No-doubt the current crisis affecting all of us require more and urgent actions than solely this. Definitely as said by Frost, miles to go before I(‘We’) sleep. Every people from every field again need to come together for such protest to show their relentless support for the marginalized peoples, not only for easier way to get gases and petrol but also end the political crisis in Madhesi brothers and sisters have been facing. This sudden socio-cultural and political empathetic understanding among the people including the youths of Kathmandu should also be cherished and needs to be supported by other concern peoples including Madhesis intellectuals, scholars, writers and peoples. It would have been much much better if the protest could have also seen the participation of those writers and journalists.   

It was around at 4 pm when I suddenly remembered all of my belongings which were still at the office. And I chose to go back by then. So before I fail to reach the office by 5 pm, I followed my usual path back to the office, again by walking through the alleys of Bhatbhateni-Kalopool-Battisputali. The injury in the ankle again tried to realize me the pain yet the day turned out to be different and pleasant and I continued my walking for another half an hour while hoping that the crisis would end soon and Madhesi brothers and sisters would be able to breathe the recognition of their rights to live dignified life as equal citizens of Nepal without any bullet targeted at their heads and chests.